Brazilian Workers' Party, the Uruguayan C Level Contact List Broad Front, Chilean socialism, and the Bolivian Movement for Socialism); in others, he C Level Contact List flew straight to the government like an unexpected bolt of lightning (Hugo Chávez, Rafael C Level Contact List Correa and, in part, Néstor Kirchner); In all cases, the "new left," which at its zenith came to govern all South American countries except Colombia and Peru, prioritized access to power over abstract discussions.
And from there it deployed a series of policies that C Level Contact List allowed it, in a context that was certainly favorable due to the rising prices of raw C Level Contact List materials, to combine three things: macroeconomic sustainability (except in Venezuela and in part in Argentina, the management of the macro was sober) ; extensive income transfer policies that C Level Contact List allowed for tremendous inclusion impulses (especially in the most disadvantaged areas, such as the Bolivian highlands and the Brazilian Northeast); and a political-institutional continuity that allowed long cycles of reforms.
The debate that divided the various members of the C Level Contact List family on the left, More practical than theoretical, it referred to the best path to advance in the proposed transformations: promote a constitutional reform that would institutionally reset the C Level Contact List country to start from a "year zero", as Chávez, Morales and Correa did, or guarantee greater continuity, by style of Lula da Silva, Kirchner or Tabaré Vázquez? Unlike the debate of C Level Contact List the 1960s, this discussion, summed up in the Chavismo/Lulismo dichotomy, did not allude to the depth of the reforms (there is no way to argue that, in fact, Lula da Silva was less reformist than Correa, or Kirchner than Evo Morales), but to the best way to put them into practice. as Chávez, Morales and Correa did, or guarantee greater continuity, in the style of Lula da Silva.